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오리지널스 - 어떻게 순응하지 않는 사람들이 세상을 움직이는가
애덤 그랜트 지음, 홍지수 옮김 / 한국경제신문 / 2016년 2월
평점 :
구판절판
오리지널스(Originals) / 셰릴 샌드버그 / 홍지수 역 / 한국경제신문(한국비피) / 463쪽 / 경제경영
베스트셀러는 꼭 읽어봐야 하는 이유가 있다. 특히 경제경영 분야에서는 말이다.
오리지널스 책 역시 많은 역 발상적인 사례들을 접할 수 있었고, black and white 사상이 아닌 다른 방향의 관점으로 이슈를 바라볼 수 있게 해주는 것이 즐거웠다.
와튼 스쿨에서 유명한 세릴 샌드버그 교수의 독창적인 아이디어를 제시하고, 차별화된 통찰을 통해 설득력 있는 논리로 우리에게 다가온다.
저자는 기본적인 틀에서 우리의 생각을 깨려는 의도가 있는 듯 했다. Yes man 이 되기 보단 boss 에게 자신의 의견을 통찰 시키는 것, 그에 따르는 방법론을 메데나의 CIA 사례나 두빈스키의 애플 사례를 통해 소개 한다. 가만히 있기 보단 조치를 취하는 선택을 한 사람들의 사례를 보며 우리 나라에도 이러한 인재가 많이 있어야 할 것 같다는 생각을 했다. 워낙 권위적인 오래된 회사에서는 상상도 할 수 없을 수 있지만, 사실 미국 CIA 에서도 별반 차이는 없었다. 더군다나 여자 직원이 자신의 의견을 내세우는 것 역시 의뢰로 어렵다고 설명했지만, 그 후 어떤 행동을 통해 성찰 시킬 수 있었는지에 대한 얘기는 매우 흥미로웠다.
신입사원들이 열정만 가지고 일을 그릇되게 할 수 있는데 이 책을 통해 자신의 행동을 잘 점검해보든 것도 좋을 것 같다.
“할 일을 미루면 생산성은 떨어질지 몰라도 창의력의 원천이 될 수 있다.” Pg 170
생산성과 창의성에 대한 이야기를 다루는데, 일을 미루었을 때 그 결과가 훨씬 더 좋은 사례들을 이야기 한다. 그 중 레오나르도 다빈치의 이야기는 매우 흥미롭다.
한국에서는 문제, 업무를 미루면 게으르고 안 좋은 시선을 받으며, 주변에서의 평가도 좋을 수가 없다.
“미루기가 특히 창의성을 발휘하는 데 효과가 있는 경우는, 문제에 정신을 집중하지 않고 있던 순간 해결책이 떠오르는 때다. <중략>정신이 또렷할 때 창의성을 요구하는 작업에 착수해야 하는 데 부담을 느낀다면 약간 졸음이 올 때까지 일을 미루면 좋을지도 모른다” Pg 172
미루는 것은 그냥 아무것도 안하는 것이 아니고, 생각을 무르익도록 해주는 방편이라는 발상이, 사례연구가 매우 흥미로웠다. 꼭 무언가를 기계적으로 스케줄에 맞추어 끝내는 것도 좋지만, 좀 더 창의적이고 독창적인 무언가를 생각해야 한다면 다소 작업을 마무리하는 것을 미루는 것도 좋을 수도 있겠다는 것을 배웠다.
책 내용 중 마틴 루터 킹 목사의 연설, 그의 미루기 전략에 대해 소개할 때 언급을 하는데, 그 연설을 하기 바로 직전까지도 그는 계속 글을 수정했다고 한다.
오랜만에 그의 유명한 연설이 듣고 싶어서 찾아보았다. 서평의 맨 아래에 첨부 하는 것으로 ^^
짧지만 엄청난 임팩트를 준 연설. 1963년 8월23일 노예 해방 100주년을 기념하여 워싱턴에서 열린 평화 대행진에서, 미국의 흑인 해방 운동 지도자 마틴 루터 킹 목사가 ‘나에게는 꿈이 있습니다(I Have a Dream)’라는 제목으로 했던 연설이다.
미국에서 공부할 때 이 연설을 외웠던 기억이 난다.
오리지널스 책 중 또 흥미로운 소재는 새로운 아이디어를 어떻게 사람들에게 설명하고 공감대를 형성하는 것인지에 대한 것이다.
참신함으로 시작해서 익숙함으로 이어질 경우 가장 성공 가능성이 높은 아이디어가 나온다고 저자는 말한다. 디즈니에서 만든 <라이언 킹> 사례를 접할 때에 이런 뒷이야기가 있는 줄 처음 알았다.
<햄릿> 스타일의 <라이언 킹>이라고 설명했을 때 그제서야 사람들의 공감대를 자아낼 수 있었다는 이야기다. 햄릿이 독백에서 “사느냐 죽느냐” 라고 했던 그 장면이 <라이언 킹>에서도 필요하다고 생각한 작가들은, 개코원숭이 라피키가 주인공인 새끼 사자 심바에게 자신이 누구인지를 기억하는 것이 얼마나 중요한지 설명하는 장면이 추가되었다고 한다. 마냥 재미있게만 보았던 영화가 만화를 만드는 세계에서는 처음 해보는 장르였고 그 참신한 아이디어가 결과물까지 나오기까지는 많은 아이디어 회의와 설득을 통해서 나온 것이다.
저자는 자녀를 키울 때도 행동에서 칭찬하기 보단 그의 성품에 대해 칭찬을 하는 것이 더 효과적이라고 한다. 이 점은 육아를 하는 엄마의 입장에서 가장 열심히 읽었던 chapter 인 것 같다.

이 책은 경영인들 뿐만 아니라 학생, 직장인, 보육자, 기업인, 사장님들 모두 읽어봐야 하지 않나 싶다. 다른 관점에서 보여지는 사례들을 접할 수 있는 아주 맛깔 나는 책임이 틀림없다.
마틴 루터 킹 목사의 연설
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, and when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!